Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these Arab villages, and I do not blame you, because these geography books no longer exist; not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there either. Nahalal arose in the place of Mahalul, Gevat - in the place of Jibta, Sarid - in the place of Haneifs and Kefar Yehoshua - in the place of Tell Shaman. There is no one place built in this country that did not have a former Arab population.
Our American friends offer us money, arms, and advice. We take the money, we take the arms, and we decline the advice.
Interpretation
What this quote means
The quote highlights the tendency to accept material aid while rejecting unsolicited guidance.
Moshe Dayan's quote reflects the complex relationships between nations, particularly in the context of assistance and influence. It suggests that while countries may eagerly accept financial or military support from allies, they often resist external advice, valuing their autonomy and independence over imposed strategies or suggestions. This dynamic underscores a broader theme in international relations about the balance between cooperation and sovereignty.
Themes
In practice
Example use cases
During a diplomatic conference discussing military aid, this quote can illustrate the complexities of international support.
More from Moshe Dayan
All quotes →It is not in our hands to prevent the murder of workers… and families… but it is in our hands to fix a high price for our blood, so high that the Arab community and the Arab military forces will not be willing to pay it.
We are a generation of settlers, and without the steel helmet and gun barrel, we shall not be able to plant a tree or build a house.
We came here to a country that was populated by Arabs and we are building here a Hebrew, a Jewish state; instead of the Arab villages, Jewish villages were established. You even do not know the names of those villages, and I do not blame you because these villages no longer exist. There is not a single Jewish settlement that was not established in the place of a former Arab Village.
We could not guard every water pipeline from being blown up and every tree from being uprooted. We could not prevent every murder of a worker in an orchard or a family in their beds. But it was in our power to set high price for our blood, a price too high for the Arab community, the Arab army, or the Arab governments to think it worth paying... It was in our power to cause the Arab governments to renounce 'the policy of strength' toward Israel by turning it into a demonstration of weakness.
We should demand his blood not from the Arabs of Gaza but from ourselves... Let us make our reckoning today.
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Five decades ago, as India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, began visibly ailing, the nation and the world were consumed by the question: 'After Nehru, who?' The inexpressible fear lay in the subtext to the question: 'After Nehru, what?'
The President can exercise no power which cannot be fairly and reasonably traced to some specific grant of power in the Federal Constitution or in an act of Congress passed in pursuance thereof. There is no undefined residuum of power which he can exercise because it seems to him to be in the public interest.
American politics used to be an amateur sport. But somewhere along the way, we handed over to professionals all the things people used to do for free.
There is no more dangerous thing for a democracy than a foreign policy based on presidential preventive war.
The advice I've been giving to people all my life - that you may not be interested in the dialectic but the dialectic is interested in you; you can't give up politics, it won't give you up - was the advice I should have been taking myself.
Senator McCarthy's reckless and unfounded attempt to impugn my loyalty is just one more example of his typical tactic of attempting to tie up to Communism anyone who disagrees with him.