The accretion of dangerous power does not come in a day. It does come, however slowly, from the generative force of unchecked disregard of the restrictions that fence in even the most disinterested assertion of authority.
Felix FrankfurterRead
Ultimately there can be no freedom for self unless it is vouchsafed for others; there can be no security where there is fear, and a democratic society presupposes confidence and candor in the relations of men with one another and eager collaboration for the larger ends of life instead of the pursuit of petty, selfish or vainglorious aims.
Interpretation
True freedom and security are dependent on the freedom of others and mutual trust in society.
Felix Frankfurter's quote emphasizes the interconnectedness of individual freedom and societal well-being. It suggests that one cannot be truly free if others are not also free, highlighting the importance of mutual respect, collaboration, and trust for a healthy democratic society. Fear undermines security, and the pursuit of selfish desires detracts from the collective goals that promote a fulfilling life for all.
In practice
This quote can be used in a speech about the importance of community involvement in social justice movements.
The accretion of dangerous power does not come in a day. It does come, however slowly, from the generative force of unchecked disregard of the restrictions that fence in even the most disinterested assertion of authority.
Democracy is always a beckoning goal, not a safe harbor. For freedom is an unremitting endeavor, never a final achievement.
Without a free press there can be no free society. That is axiomatic. However, freedom of the press is not an end in itself but a means to the end of a free society. The scope and nature of the constitutional guarantee of the freedom of the press are to be viewed and applied in that light.
The words of the Constitution... are so unrestricted by their intrinsic meaning or by their history or by tradition or by prior decisions that they leave the individual Justice free, if indeed they do not compel him, to gather meaning not from reading the Constitution but from reading life.
Litigation is the pursuit of practical ends, not a game of chess.
As a member of this court I am not justified in writing my private notions of policy into the Constitution, no matter how deeply I may cherish them or how mischievous I may deem their disregard.
The Land of Israel will be small, but the people of Israel will make it great. Not _x000D_ in opulence, but in eminence will their destiny be fulfilled, and the elixir of their_x000D_ pride will be distilled not out of dominion or far-flung borders, but out of the_x000D_ faithful and skillful building of the good society.
Time alone reveals the just man; but you might discern a bad man in a single day.
We know of no spectacle more ridiculous—or more contemptible—than that of the religious reactionaries who dare to re-write the history of our republic. Or who try to do so. Is it possible that, in their vanity and stupidity, they suppose that they can erase the name of Thomas Jefferson and replace it with the name of some faith-based mediocrity whose name is already obscure? If so, we cheerfully resolve to mock them, and to give them the lie in their teeth.
Hypocrisy means deliberately pretending. None of us lives up to his ideals; none of us is all that he would like to be or all that he could be in Christ. But that is not hypocrisy. Falling short of our ideals is not hypocrisy. Pretending we have reached our ideals when we have not - that is hypocrisy.
The unexpectedness of life, waiting round every corner, catches even wise women unawares (...) To avoid corners altogether is, after all, to refuse to live.
When affirmation and negation came into being, Tao faded. After Tao faded, then came one-sided attachments.
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