I go on the principle that a public debt is a public curse and in a republican government more than in any other.
James MadisonRead
Happily for America, happily, we trust, for the whole human race, they pursued a new and more noble course. They accomplished a revolution which has no parallel in the annals of human society.
Interpretation
This quote emphasizes the extraordinary nature of the American Revolution and its hopeful impact on humanity.
James Madison reflects on the American Revolution as a significant turning point not just for America, but for the entire human race. He suggests that the revolution marked a departure from traditional governance, favoring a noble pursuit of liberty and democracy that was unprecedented in human history.
In practice
In a speech about national pride, one might reference Madison's view on the American Revolution as a model for future struggles for freedom.
I go on the principle that a public debt is a public curse and in a republican government more than in any other.
No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause; because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity. With equal, nay with greater reason, a body of men are unfit to be both judges and parties at the same time.
I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations; but, on a candid examination of history, we shall find that turbulence, violence, and abuse of power, by the majority trampling on the rights of the minority, have produced factions and commotions, which, in republics, have, more frequently than any other cause, produced despotism.
The advice nearest to my heart and deepest in my convictions is that the Union of the States be cherished and perpetuated.
Knowledge will forever govern ignorance; and a people who mean to be their own governors must arm themselves with the power which knowledge gives.
The magnitude of this evil among us is so deeply felt, and so universally acknowledged, that no merit could be greater than that of devising a satisfactory remedy for it.
All these mountains of Irish dead, all these corpses mangled beyond recognition, all these arms, legs, eyes, ears, fingers, toes, hands, all these shivering putrefying bodies and portions of bodies once warm living and tender parts of Irish men and youths - all these horrors in Flanders or the Gallipoli Peninsula, are all items in the price Ireland pays for being part of the British Empire.
When I started working on women's history about thirty years ago, the field did not exist. People didn't think that women had a history worth knowing.
Look at how the British covered India with railroads, and it is easy to view them as modernisers. Look, however, at the abysmal levels of mass illiteracy in the subcontinent they left behind in 1947, and they appear rather differently.
If you were lost for America, there is nobody who could keep the army and the revolution [going] for six months.
History is simply a piece of paper covered with print: the main thing is to make history, not to write it.
History never looks like history when you are living through it. It always looks confusing and messy, and it always feels uncomfortable.
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